Memorial to Henry Arkwright (courtesy: The Arkwright Family and Catherine Beale)
Memorial to Henry Arkwright (courtesy: The Arkwright Family and Catherine Beale)

There in the twilight cold and grey,

Lifeless, but beautiful, he lay,

And from the sky, serene and far,

A voice fell, like a falling star,

Excelsior!

Henry Wordsworth Longfellow

The family saga reads like something out of the realms of an improbable fantasy. The chronicle began with the birth of a male child in the impoverished family of a Lancashire tailor towards the end of December 1732, the youngest of thirteen children, of whom only seven survived. The family did not have the wherewithal to provide him a school education, and he was tutored at home by a relative. At an early age, he was apprenticed to a barber to acquire tonsorial skills and to become proficient in the art of wig-making. Industrious by nature, he opened his own establishment in the early 1750s. Being endowed by Nature with an enquiring and inventive mind, he soon conceived of a waterproof dye to be used for the periwigs in vogue at the time. Fortune smiled on the diligent youth and his income increased steadily.

He married in early 1755 and a son was born to him on December 19, 1755. His wife passed away the year after. He named his son after himself, and then embarked on a remarkable career. He became interested in spinning and carding technology that turned cotton to yarn. He married a second time in 1761, at the age of 29, and sired three more children of whom only one daughter survived infancy. Along with a clockmaker for a partner, he utilised the money he had earned from his erstwhile barber shop to fashion a cotton spinning machine in 1768 and obtained the patent for the instrument in the following year.

In 1775, he improved upon the design of an already invented carding machine and obtained a patent for the refurbished product. His new machine could convert raw cotton into a continuous skein of cotton thread that he spun in to yarn with his spinning machine. In partnership with some wealthy hosiery manufacturers, he opened his first factory at Cromford in 1771 and employed 200 workers, mainly women and children. He later opened another factory at Cromford that is preserved as a heritage site to this day. Over a period of time, he opened numerous factories, and provided gainful employment to thousands of workers, and gradually came to be known as the Father of the modern industrial factory system, and as a leading light of the Industrial Revolution in England.

His social prestige and his wealth increased by leaps and bounds and he became the High Sheriff of Derbyshire. An appreciative monarch bestowed a knighthood on the industrious entrepreneur in 1786 and he became Sir Richard Arkwright, industrialist extraordinaire. Interestingly, there was the likeness of a cotton plant included in his family coat of arms. In 1788, Arkwright purchased an estate from the father of Florence Nightingale for an estimated 20,000 and began the construction of Willersley Castle to house his family. He passed away on August 3, 1792, aged about 59, respected by all, and leaving behind an estate valued at about 500,000. His dream of living in his own castle, however, remained unfulfilled, as Willersley Castle became ready for occupation only after his demise.

His son, also named Richard, inherited his father s considerable estate and took up residence at Willersley Castle when it was completed. He continued the good work that his father had begun in his numerous factories and became a wealthy man in his own right. In 1810, he purchased the 6,220 acre Hampton Court estate of Herefordshire for 226,535. He increased his net worth through judicious investment, particularly in landed and residential property, to the extent that when he passed away in 1843, Richard Arkwright was the wealthiest commoner in all England (his wealth estimated, conservatively, at 3 million, with Hampton Court the jewel in his crown).

In 1814, Richard s fourth son John Arkwright (1785-1858), who was still unwed, requested permission from his father to use Hampton Court to settle in. Consent was given very cautiously, and a strict watch was kept on the rate of expenditure on the estate. In 1830, John decided to enter the holy state of matrimony at the relatively advanced age of 45 years. He wooed and married Sarah (known popularly as Tally), daughter of Sir Hungerford Hoskyns of Harewood Parks, Herefordshire, the bride being about half his age. Between 1830 and 1843, Arkwright caused several changes and additions to be undertaken at Hampton Court to accommodate his growing family, spending upwards of 40,000 on the project.

John and Tally has 12 children in all, seven sons and five daughters. This narrative concerns the fourth of his sons, Henry, born December 16, 1837 at Hampton Court, one of seven cricket-playing brothers.

Henry Arkwright was educated at Harrow, like his brothers. The bare statement precipitates a rather enigmatic conundrumwith regard to the history of education in the family. It is specifically mentioned in the family chronicle entitled The Arkwrights: Spinners of Fortune, written by RS Fitton that: In 1796, as [Richard] Arkwright moved to Willersley, three of his sons Richard, the eldest, aged fifteen, Robert, two years younger, and Peter, born in 1784 were sent to Eton. The family s long connection with the school had begun.

Later in the book, there is mention of the other sons, Joseph, John, and Charles also being admitted at Eton. Indeed, the book is replete with copious correspondence between the sons and their father Richard (son of Sir Richard) on various personal and family issues during their time at Eton, and between the father and several teachers of the august school. One wonders, then, as to how long the association had really been between the family and Eton, considering that the family s loyalty had changed to one of the traditional rivals of Eton in only one generation.

Brushing aside such contentious issues, let it be stated that Henry was sent to Harrow, was nominated as a Monitor, and played cricket for the seminary for three years, from 1855 through to 1857, captaining the First XI in 1857. He was a right-hand batsman and an under-arm fast bowler. Contemporary media reports and reminiscences of team-mates and adversaries suggest that he was in the habit of varying his pace to a considerable extent, often imparting appreciable spin to his slower deliveries. He was also known to have bowled round-arm deliveries on occasion. His school games in 1855 were against a wide cross-section of opponents, with the likes of the Harlequins and Quidnuncs featuring in the list, as well as a very Dickensonian All Muggleton. In July 1855, he played against the Indian Club (taking 7 wickets) and against the I Zingari (for whom he would himself play later), against whom he captured 10 wickets.

The highlight of the school season was the Derby game against Eton at Lord s. Harrow won by an innings and 66 runs, Arkwright returning figures of 3 for 14 and 6 for 44. It seems that Eton and Winchester were forbidden, for whatever reason, by the Headmaster from playing at Lord s in 1856. Consequently, the customary Eton-Harrow match was replaced by a game between Harrow and MCC with Harrow winning by 4 wickets. Arkwright had figures of 4 for 33 and 5 for 60.

In his final year at Harrow, Henry, by now skipper of the team, captured 3 for 25 and 5 for 27 to lead his team to a 10-wicket victory over Eton in 1857. Having matriculated from Harrow in the Michaelmas term of 1857, Henry Arkwright was admitted to Trinity College, Cambridge, earning his cricket Blue in 1858. The family were to suffer bereavement in the same year with the passing away of Henry s father, John Arkwright.

Arkwright made his First-Class debut as an amateur for Cambridge against Cambridge Town Club at Fenner s in 1858. He picked up 5 wickets, the University winning by a concession. In his next game, against MCC, he captured 6 wickets in a drawn game. He was not, however, among the wickets in the important match against Oxford at Lord s, Oxford winning the game by an innings and 38 runs.

A short biographical sketch of Henry Arkwright may be in order at this point. He joined His Majesty s 84th Regiment of Foot as an Ensign in 1858, being promoted to the rank of Lieutenant in 1860, and Captain in 1865, and the ADC to James Hamilton, 2nd Marquess of Abercorn, then Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (later created the 1st Duke of Abercorn in 1868).

In a short First-Class career spanning 1858 to 1866, Henry Arkwright played 17 matches, scoring 144 runs with a highest of 26 and an average of 4.96. He held 16 catches. He also captured 97 wickets. His best bowling performance was 9 for 43, and he averaged 11.34 with the ball though it must be remembered that not all his wickets were captured in databases. He had 10 five-wicket hauls and 2 match hauls of 10 or more wickets. In The Spectator Archive, Frank Keating declares that Henry Arkwright was Herefordshire s first ever First-Class cricketer.

As far as the documentation of Arkwright s cricket career goes, he is seen to have played, in addition to his 17 First-Class games, another 120 games billed as Second-Class fixtures. In these, he had captured 827 wickets, bringing his overall tally to 924.

Before we proceed further with the narrative, let us cast our minds back to the events of a First-Class match played at Lord s in 1837, the year of the birth of Arkwright, between the Gentlemen and the Players. This match is remembered for William Lillywhite, who became the first bowler to take 18 wickets in a First-Class match.

History tells us of the overwhelming superiority of the cricketing skills of the professionals of the time in comparison to the prowess of the amateurs, who often treated the game as more of a social engagement than a test of sporting skills. History also tells us that, in order to bridge the gap in the abilities of the two groups of cricketers, matches would often be played where the professionals were pitted against teams of 15 or 18 or even 22 amateurs. In the match under consideration, 11 Players were up against 16 Gentlemen.

Apropos of the game under discussion, the natural question that may arise in the minds of keen students of the game is: How was this game classified as First-Class? Perhaps a little historical background concerning the classification of cricket matches may be in order here.

As followers of the game would be aware, there had been several cricket matches played in the British Isles prior to 1895 that had been described with the adjectives great , important , major , and so on by the local sporting media, even though some of them had been odds games. During this period of the evolution of the game, there had been no formal classification of the status of the matches played. By the first half of the 19th century, a prototype of a system of organisation in British cricket began with the formation of the first few Country Cricket Clubs, Sussex (1839), Nottinghamshire (1841), Kent (1842), and Surrey (1845), and matches played between these teams were thought to be in the highest class of cricket played. By the 1860s several more cricket clubs had been formally launched.

The year 1864 was an important water-shed in cricket history with the formalisation of over-arm bowling and the launch of a journal called The Cricketer s Almanac by John Wisden. After the first 5 editions, the journal was renamed with the eponymous title Wisden Cricketers Almanac, the title that is revered to this day as being The Bible of Cricket. The journal reported on cricket matches that, in their considered opinion, were important enough to deserve their attention.

Another important and independent name in cricket reporting appeared in 1880 in the form of the Cricket Reporting Agency under the auspices of Charles Pardon and George Kelly King. Initially, CRA did much of the gathering of information on behalf of Wisden, the reporters travelling with the important teams to cover the events. The alliance between the two was strengthened in 1887 with Pardon becoming editor of Wisden.

Even though the official County Championship had been launched in England in 1890, the issue of what really constituted First-Class cricket was still rather undecided until MCC, custodian of cricket s Laws, stepped in and called a meeting at Lord s in May 1894. The participants for the conclave included the dignitaries of MCC, along with the Secretaries of the county clubs already participating in the County Championship.

At the meeting, it was decided that the County Clubs, MCC, Cambridge and Oxford First XI cricket teams, and official senior touring sides from countries like Australia and South Africa would all be designated as First-Class teams , along with some others nominated by MCC, such as Players, Gentlemen, and some regional teams such as North and South, and occasional XIs which contained players from the designated First-Class teams. The first official First-Class match turned out to be the game between MCC and Nottinghamshire at Lord s from May 1, 1895, won by the MCC by 37 runs. So far, so good, but what of the important games played prior to this time?

Clearly, all the grey areas had not been addressed by the edict of 1894. It took another 53 years for a more detailed definition of First-Class cricket to emerge. On May 19, 1947, the extant Imperial Cricket Conference enunciated the following definition: A match of three or more days’ duration between two sides of eleven players officially adjudged First-Class, shall be regarded as a First-Class fixture. Matches in which either team have more than eleven players or which are scheduled for less than three days shall not be regarded as First-Class. The Governing body in each country shall decide the status of teams. With time, the Imperial Cricket Conference morphed to its present avatar, International Cricket Council, and teams from all full members were automatically thought of as being of First-Class status.

There was one important clause to the new definition, however, that it would not have retrospective effect . The clause was one calculated to throw a spanner into the statisticians efforts of bringing some order and sense into the classification of the important games of historical times. Using their experience and discretion, the Association of Cricket Statisticians and Historians decided to tread a middle path by compiling their own list of matches played and including all important games of a high standard played before 1895 as unofficial First-Class games.

Coming back to the original story, we find a 12-a-side First-Class match being played at St Lawrence Ground, Canterbury in 1861 between Gentlemen of Kent and Gentlemen of MCC. The historical continuity with the match described above is provided by the presence of Pilch as one of the umpires for the 1861 game at Canterbury.

Winning the toss, the MCC team batted first, opening the batting with the Harrow and Trinity alumnus, wicketkeeper William Nicholson and Spencer Ponsonby (later Spencer Ponsonby-Fane), one of the three founders of I Zingari in 1845 (along with JL Baldwin, and his brother, Frederick Ponsonby). The first-innings total reached 175.

The Kent side was disposed of for 111, Arkwright capturing 9 for 43. Batting again, the MCC Gentlemen were bowled out for 103. Kent were then dismissed for 103 in 47 overs. Arkwright was again the bowling hero, capturing 9 for 53. Henry Arkwright became only the second man to capture 18 wickets in a First-Class match.

There has, of course, been a man who has gone one better, and in a Test match, at that. The 1956 Australians felt the wizardry of the England off-spinner Jim Laker in the fourth Test at Old Trafford. Laker took 9 for 37 and 10 for 53, became the third member of the triumvirate with 18 or more wickets in a First-Class match.

Never again did Arkwright dominate a cricket game with his bowling exploits to the extent of his performance at Canterbury. That is not to say, however, that his undoubted skill had forsaken him completely. Playing for Gentlemen of the North against Gentlemen of the South at The Oval in 1862, he had figures of 5 for 50 and 4 for 44, helping his team to win by 147 runs. There was an interesting twist to his batting in this match.

Considering that he played his cricket at a time when there were very few County Cricket Clubs in existence, Arkwright never got the opportunity to represent any of the County teams of the times. We find him turning out for the I Zingari against Bullingdon as early as 1859 and claiming 4 wickets. He played a fair amount of cricket for I Zingari, 62 Second-Class games and 1 First-Class. Among his First-Class teams, he played 4 matches for Gentlemen of MCC, picking up an amazing 49 wickets for them, with 6 five-wicket hauls and both his 10-fors. His bowling average for the MCC team was 8.36.

As mentioned above, although Arkwright played only 17 First-Class games, his experiences in Second-Class cricket were more varied and interesting, particularly his games with I Zingari. He represented I Zingari in 15 matches on five separate tours of Ireland. The 1860 match at Phoenix Park, Dublin was particularly interesting. The match was played at the behest of Lord Carlisle (then in his first tenure as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland). Edward Liddle, writing in Cricket Europe: Irish Cricket History, says that it was Carlisle who had been largely responsible for laying out of the ground. Carlisle had requested Charles Lawrence, professional of Phoenix CC, to oversee the preparations. This was the Lawrence of Surrey who was to be a member of the team on England s very first tour of Australia in 1861-62 under HH Stephenson (he subsequently remained behind in Australia, later touring with the first Australia team, of native cricketers, to England in 1868).

Lawrence was also charged with the responsibility of raising a suitable team against the visiting I Zingari. The chosen side was called the United Ireland XI, with Lawrence as skipper. Winning the toss, Lawrence opened the innings himself in the company of George Barry. Well, the Ireland team scored only 46. Arkwright took 8 wickets. His bowling partner was a man of God, one Reverend Joseph McCormick, intriguingly, playing under the alias of J Bingley (the name of one of the schools he had attended) to disguise the fact of his participation from the parishioners of Dunmore East. This Bingley captured 1 wicket.

I Zingari did not do much better themselves, being dismissed for 63. Lawrence claimed 8 wickets for his team. The Ireland second innings realised 94. I Zingari then scored 78 for 6 to win by 4 wickets, all four innings being played on the same day, and the game ended on the first day. Arkwright had captured 23 wickets for I Zingari in his 3 matches against Ireland, including 7 in the drawn game against Ireland in 1863 and 5 more in 1866.

Philip Barker, in Lord s First: 200 Years of Making History at Lord s Cricket Ground, quotes The Times as remarking on how the first visit of a Scottish team at Lord s was brought to a conclusion in a very one-sided manner. The game was played at Lord s in 1865, and MCC beat Scotland by an innings and 28 runs. Scotland were bowled out for 23, Arkwright and Edward Drake, bowling unchanged and capturing 5 wickets each. After MCC scored 134, Scotland were dismissed for 83, Drake taking 5 wickets and Arkwright 3.

Arkwright s last command performance with ball in a First-Class match was in the game between Gentlemen of Kent against Gentlemen of MCC at Canterbury in 1864, another 12-a-side affair. The MCC team were dismissed for 192. Any satisfaction that the Kent team may have felt was short-lived, however: they were all out for 135. Arkwright had 9 for 79. The MCC team did rather better in the second innings, with a total of 298. Kent were all out for 114 on the third day. Arkwright took 5 for 80, making it 14 wickets in the match as the MCC team won the game by 241 runs.

The next part of the remarkable narrative takes us back in time to August 8, 1786, the date on which the very first ascent of Mont Blanc was made by one Jacques Balmat, an accomplished mountaineer and mountain guide, and Michel Gabriel Paccard, a man who had studied Medicine in Turin and who was known to have been a keen Alpinist. The amazing feat had inspired King Victor Amadeus III to confer the honorary title of le Mont Blanc on Balmat. The successful ascent entitled him to claim the prize offered 25 years ago by Horace-B n dict de Saussure for the first man to scale Mont Blanc. Although criticised in his lifetime for his conceit and his propensity of paltering with the truth about his various mountaineering exploits, Balmat was nevertheless an iconic name in the world of mountaineering. Balmat was just the sort of personality calculated to inspire a keen young mountaineering enthusiast down the years.

One such young man was Captain Henry Arkwright of Hampton Court, recently appointed ADC to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the 2nd Marquess of Abercorn. After the passing away of his father John in 1858, his mother Sarah Tally , the dowager Arkwright had become the mistress of Hampton Court and remained so till her eldest son, John Hungerford Arkwright married Charlotte Lucy Davenport on 12 Jun/1866. As per the custom of the time, the nuptials of her son meant that her new daughter-in-law would now become the new mistress of Hampton Court and that Sarah would now have to vacate the premises to her and to move out with her unmarried daughters. It was a highly emotional situation for the family, particularly for Sarah. She decided to take an extended holiday in Europe before making the inevitable move. The cricket season being over, Captain Arkwright, a keen mountaineer, decided to accompany his mother, as did his sisters Fanny (25) and Alice (18).

In Champagne and Shambles, Catherine Beale tells the story that had been emblazoned by the international media of the times on their front pages. The Arkwright family set off for their holiday in 1866, their first intention being to pay a visit to the small town of Chamonix at the base of Mont Blanc, near the junction of France, Switzerland, and Italy. The fact that Chamonix had been the birthplace of le Mont Blanc Jacques Balmat, of hallowed memory, may have been a powerful motivation for Henry, in particular.They put up at the Grand Hotel Royal, set slightly apart from the town, and not far from the little Protestant Church.

The small-town ambience suited Tally, grappling with her emotions at the impending wrenching of her relations to the splendour of Hampton Court. For Henry, the town suited his needs almost exactly, being situated between Mer de Glace (Sea of Ice), largest glacier in France and one of the principal attractions of the Chamonix Valley, and Glacier des Bossons, one of the larger glaciers of the Mont Blanc massif of The Alps, both of which he intended to visit. For Henry, these glaciers were the big game of his Alpine holiday, and he was determined to conquer both.

A germ of an idea began to crystallise in his mind. If he was going to cross Glacier des Bossons anyway, why not try an ascent of Mont Blanc itself by that route? In the town, he heard stories of one Francois Couttet, known locally as Baguette (and King of the Guides ), having been the first to conquer Mont Blanc by this route as recently as 1859. But he knew that it would be foolhardy to attempt the ascent alone, he would need expert guidance.

The local Compagnie des Guides got him in contact with Michel Simond, one of their most experienced guides, and on the verge of retirement. The expedition party was completed with the hiring of two porters, the brothers Francois and Joseph Tournier. The date was set for October 12, 1866. Being of an adventurous bent of mind, Fanny managed to cajole her mother into allowing her to go part of the way with the group and to sketch scenes from the valley.

It was decided that the party, including Fanny, would spend the night of October 12 at the cabin at the Grand Mulets. Crossing the Glacier des Bossons was not an easy task and it was almost nightfall before they reached the cabin. En route, the group had been joined by Sylvain Couttet, a well-known Alpine guide, and a friend of his, Nicholas Winhart, an employee of the Hotel Royal whom Couttet had promised to take up when the opportunity presented itself. Lighting a fire, they let the inhabitants know of their safe arrival at the cabin. In reply, there was an acknowledgement for the town in the form of the discharge of 3 small cannon.

Early on the morning of the October 13, Henry and his party set off for the climb that would take an estimated 3 hours to complete. Beale quotes Fanny as remembering that Henry to have been reciting from the poem Excelsior! (by HW Longfellow), a great favourite of his, and one that he was frequently in the habit of reciting at the top of his voice for inspiration. Fanny then returned to the cabin and began her sketching.

The days having already begun to shorten, the six-man party decided to attempt the climb through the seldom used shorter, though steeper, Ancien Passage rather than the usual circuitous route through the Corridor. They had hardly been ten minutes into the climb when an ominous and reverberating crack was heard overhead and the wind of the hurtling avalanche caught up the members, separating and spreading them far and wide before burying them in blocks of ice. It took about 10 minutes for the air to be clear enough to assess the damage. Surprisingly unhurt despite the catastrophe, Couttet discovered his friend Winhart about 6 feet below where he was, and managed to extricate him from the mass of ice.

About 150 feet below them, they came upon the knapsack and savagely mutilated body of the porter Francois Tournier, his head smashed by a block of ice. There was no sign of anybody else in the devastated area before them. Dragging the body of the dead porter, Couttet and Winhart made the dreary climb back down to the cabin at Grand Mulets, where an extremely melancholy and heart-rending duty awaited them. It was Couttet who broke the sad news to Fanny, who, with a fortitude beyond her years, insisted on returning to Chamonix with them to convey the horrific news in person to her mother and sister.

As Henry s brother Arthur (not present in person at the scene of the tragedy) was to write later: A veil may be drawn over the sorrow at Chamonix at the news of the catastrophe husband, son, father, brother, or friend, almost all had lost one or more. Search parties were at once organized, and next morning the body of Joseph Tournier was found.

Alice, then 18, took things in hand by sending a wire to the eldest brother John, who had just returned with his new bride to Hampton Court from a shooting trip to Scotland. The message was short and crisp: I tell you all our Grief at once. Henry was ascending Mont Blanc. An Avalanche came. All is over. I am telegraphing for Edwin to come at once. You tell the others.

Four of the party had by now been accounted for. The remains of the guide, Michel Simond, were recovered a few days later. This left only Henry unaccounted for. By now having controlled her grief to some extent, the dowager Arkwright visited the families of the deceased persons to offer what solace she could and offered a sum of 2,500 Francs for the recovery of her son s body. Remembering her duties towards the families of those who had followed her son to the mountain, Tally Arkwright arranged for annuities for the bereaved families. Despite prolonged and assiduous search, not sign of Henry Arkwright could be discovered on any portion of the mountain.

Meanwhile, back in England, there was an air of disbelief throughout the kingdom when the news was broken by the media. The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland grieved at the loss of his ADC, Henry s cricket circle mourned the loss of the talented young player. The immediate family were shattered at the turn of events and several of them made their way to Chamonix in the vain hope that they might be able to unearth something indicative of what may have happened to Henry. As reported in Sydney Morning Herald on December 26, 1866, a party of 26 experienced guides had set out in the early morning of October 15 to scout for any signs of the missing mountaineer. Despite their best efforts, however, their efforts were in vain.

Christmas was a very sombre time for the Arkwright family that year. The New Year brought a request from Henry s former Regimental comrades that they be allowed to erect am memorial in his honour, to be placed in a position of the family s choice. A window of the Cathedral of Herford was painted by William Wailes with a suitable message as a memorial. Another was also erected at the Protestant Church at Chamonix (depicted above) in the memory of the unfortunate mountaineer.

Henry Arkwright s remarkable story would have ended here but for the arrival of a telegram on August 25, 1897 in the name of John, the eldest Arkwright son, stating that the remains of the deceased Henry Arkwright, presumed dead in October 1866, had been finally found: would the family kindly proceed to Chamonix for the identification and the performance of the final rights? It was as if a 31-year-old ghost was amongst them to revive the painful memories of the calamity that had befallen the family in 1866.

The family members foregathered at Chamonix on August 27 to view the remains of their dear one. It seems that the gradual melting of the Glacier des Bossons had revealed the remains of the deceased mountaineer.A bystander had reported at the time: All except the feet and head were brought to light, but details are too painful to relate.The right hand, which had once so firmly grasped the iron-plated pine pole that even after thirty-one years they were found close together, was marvellously life-like, the ice had even preserved in it the red tint of the blood. Henry s personal effects, including a handkerchief monogrammed with his name and the number of his Regiment, were all identified.

The remains of the body were finally laid to rest at the Protestant Church at Chamonix on August 31. Rev. Henry Martin of Stockton-on-Tees, who had happened to know Henry personally, conducted the service. Interestingly, the pallbearers were the sons of the porters and of the guide who had died with Henry 31 years ago. Back home, a second memorial was placed in the Hereford Cathedral. All that remained was for the members of the family present at Chamonix for the occasion to convey the news to Tally, the ageing and infirm mother of the deceased, who had not been able to make the trip to Chamonix in 1897.

In all fairness, the mot juste must be with Beale: However, no marble or brass could be a more impressive token to Henry s memory than the great slumbering mountain itself. As a friend of Arthur s remarked in awe when he saw the pristine slopes, He has a magnificent monument.